Egyptian anti-government protesters clash with riot police at the port city of Suez on Jan. 27, 2011.MOHAMED ABD EL GHANY
When Mohamed ElBaradei, the Nobel laureate who has become a leading opponent of President Hosni Mubarak, touched down in Cairo, he was greeted with something short of a hero's welcome.
The former chief international nuclear watchdog and career diplomat quickly declared he was ready to lead the campaign to oust Mr. Mubarak. It was unclear, however, whether the tens of thousands of Egyptian protesters that have poured onto the streets actually want him to front their movement.
In Egypt, Mr. ElBaradei cuts a complicated, and in some cases, divisive figure. Polls have shown that he is better-known internationally than domestically, with less than 50 per cent of Egyptians recognizing his name.
His supporters cast him as a credible pro-democracy figure, the only person truly capable of fusing the country's disparate opposition. His detractors, meanwhile, denounce him as an outsider who doesn't understand modern-day Egypt, and is utterly incapable of charting a course for its future.
Indeed, the prospect of Mr. ElBaradei injecting himself into the Egyptian protests elicits mixed responses, laden with caveats.
"I think it will be good to have Mohammed ElBaradei as an interim president until a free and fair election takes place," the anonymous administrator of the Facebook page "We Are All Khalid Said," which has played a role in organising the protests, wrote in an e-mail.
"He must sign though a declaration that he will never stand for president ever again," the administrator cautioned.
Blake Hounshell, editor of Foreign Policy, said the protesters were divided on how to treat Mr. ElBaradei.
"I don't think anyone dislikes him, but there are some that sort of resent his prominence and him getting credit for the work they've done organizing this stuff in his absence," Mr. Hounshell summarized.
This is not the first time Mr. ElBaradei has entered the political fray. Nearly a year ago he travelled from his home in Vienna to Cairo where, in a series of high-profile media interviews, he fashioned himself as the main challenger to Mr. Mubarak's regime without declaring whether he would run for president.
"My goal is that there wouldn't be one saviour for Egypt," Mr. ElBaradei said in a television interview at that time.
"My goal is for Egypt to save itself. Help me in order to help you. If you want this country to change, then every one of you must participate to show his desire," he said.
At the time, his words seemed like wishful thinking.
He was more specific Thursday about his political intentions: "My priority right now … is to see a new regime and to see a new Egypt through peaceful transition," Mr. ElBaradei said, adding that he planned to take part in Friday's mass demonstration.
It was unclear whether his historic appeal among Egyptian intellectuals would resonate with the young people who are dominating the streets. Also, under Egypt's constitution, as an independent he is barred from qualifying for a presidential run because he does not have an existing foothold in Parliament.
Still, the prospect of Mr. ElBaradei superimposing his leadership on the swelling protest movement could present a formidable challenge to Mr. Mubarak's regime, analysts said.
"If he can be the leader, and Mr. ElBaradei could give this some coherence and some leadership, he really can make a difference. It would be a lot harder for the Egyptian authorities to engage in a massive crackdown if you're having a Nobel Peace Prize-winner leading your movement," said Stephen Cook, a senior fellow with the Council on Foreign Relations who spent the last week in Cairo.
Mr. ElBaradei, who once told The New York Times he viewed himself as a "secular pope" whose mission is to "make sure, frankly, that we do not end up killing each other," has often alluded to his life being guided by a sense of destiny.
He has described himself as having a Muslim background, but sometimes quotes a Christian prayer when describing his role: "Lord, make me an instrument of your peace."
Hailing from an upper-middle-class family in Cairo, Dr. ElBaradei enjoyed a privileged upbringing, with a French nanny and private school education. His father was a lawyer and was the president of Egypt's bar association. After studying law, Mr. ElBaradei joined Egypt's foreign service, taking up a post in New York and then Vienna where he took a job as the nuclear agency's legal counsellor and then head of external relations.
His eventual appointment to head of the IAEA, in 1997, caught many off guard. Over the next twelve years he carved out a complicated legacy, angering Washington by challenging claims that Saddam Hussein had a secret nuclear program, and dealing with Iranian and North Korean nuclear ambitions.
His critics in Washington tried to depose him because they viewed him as being soft on Iran, but abandoned their scheme just before he won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2005.
At the time, he used his acceptance speech to outline his future goals which ranged from fighting crime to helping the poor. The United States and its Western allies have routinely praised him since he won the prize, endorsing an IAEA resolution that paid tribute to him for the "significant contribution" he made to "the cause of international peace".
"His presence in Egypt right now will reassure the United States that there is someone to talk to that they have dealt with before. Someone seen as responsible and reassuring," Mr. Hounshell said.
Robert Danin, another analyst and Egypt expert described him as "a wild card."
"His return is a bit of a bolt out of the blue," Mr. Danin said.
"But on the other hand, 80 per cent of life is just showing up, as the saying goes. He just showed up and this very well could be his moment."