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Alex Marland is the author of Brand Command: Canadian Politics and Democracy in the Age of Message Control, which on Monday won the 2016 Donner Prize for best public policy book by a Canadian.

Brands surround us. We form emotional connections to them. They simplify our decision-making. We become loyal, even in the face of better options. Political strategists know this. So they want messaging to revolve around core values and consistent images. To them, all media touchpoints must be synchronized, and all potential spokespersons are brand ambassadors. Brand control is so commonplace that we barely notice how this empowers party leaders and their inner circle.

The Liberal Party of Canada surely ranks among the most durable political brands in the world. More than any other Canadian party, it embodies the state, to the point of ownership and entitlement. Liberals believe that governing Canada is their purpose. Their leader is a brand phenomenon in his own right.

So what is the Liberal brand under Prime Minister Justin Trudeau today? There is no one answer. Brands are in the eye of the beholder. With Stephen Harper, some saw a strong economic manager; others, cold-hearted authoritarianism. For my part, I believe a fundamental shift in the Liberal brand has occurred. This shift is rooted in Pierre Trudeau's signature policy, which his son now personifies. It is an evolution that positions the party well in a world of hyper political correctness.

Historically, the Liberal "master brand" (i.e., its core brand promise) has been as a defender of national unity. The party won elections by practising brokerage politics. Liberals placated regional divisions and stood for a unified Canada. Their leaders urged togetherness when others urged decentralization or separatism. It is no coincidence the Liberal Party became a shell of its former self in the four elections held from 2004 to 2011, a period when Quebec nationalism and regional tensions were declining. The main reason to vote Liberal – to save Canada from itself – eroded. A different strand of sunny ways was needed.

The Liberals' master brand is no longer about unifying Canadians amidst regional strife. Rather, the brand has pivoted to become synonymous with the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Unity through diversity. This is a powerful space to occupy. Those who argue against it will probably lose in courts of law and public opinion. Though, urbanites who preach the moral high ground risk stoking feelings of classism and elitism, setting the stage for populist revolt.

Liberals have been using Charter issues as a wedge for some time. In the 1990s and early 2000s, they ruthlessly exploited so-called bozo eruptions. Any socially disparaging remark made by a right-wing candidate or parliamentarian was cited as evidence that person's party harboured extremists. A 2004 internal Conservative Party memo, reproduced in Brand Command, features the following observation from Conservative political marketers: "With tight messaging we can win or neutralize the debate on specific social issues (which split the Liberals' base as well as ours), but we lose when the debate shifts to the emotive, patriotic symbolism of the Charter." This has been magnified under Justin Trudeau and with the spread of social media. The image that he and his handlers promote is of a leader of democracy, equality and human rights in a Canadian context. This means promoting multiculturalism, feminism, bilingualism, Indigenous rights and so on. All of this is grounded in Charter values and related legal/moral convictions.

Brands mean different things to different people, and image management has been going on for a long time. Unlocking a master brand is a useful tool for interpreting the behaviour of political elites and anticipating future policy directions. As I see it, the Charter of Rights and Freedoms anchors the Liberal brand and that of Prime Minister Trudeau.

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