Hong Kong-based journalist and commentator Frank Ching.
China delivered a wake-up call to its neighbours last week, making it clear that Beijing has decided on a course of military assertiveness as its capabilities increase.
"We kept silent and tolerant over territorial disputes with our neighbours in the past because our navy was incapable of defending our economic zones, but now the navy is able to carry out its task," Xu Guangyu, a retired general, said in response to Japan's protests after Chinese ships chased out a Japanese survey vessel in a disputed area.
This suggests that previous actions and declarations no longer reflect Beijing's current intentions.
One example of a long-time policy that no longer appears to apply is its position on the militarization of outer space.
Beginning in 1984, China insisted at the United Nations General Assembly that space was to be used strictly for peaceful purposes. This was reiterated in 1998, when a white paper on defence said it proposed "a complete ban on weapons of any kind in outer space, including anti-missile and anti-satellite weapons, so as to keep outer space free of weapons."
So it came as a shock when, in 2007, China tested a weapon in space, destroying one of its old satellites.
Despite this, however, Beijing continued to insist that it was opposed to the militarization of space.
China's frequently declared policy of no first use of nuclear weapons, first enunciated in 1964, may also be in doubt.
A glimpse into what may be the country's real position was provided in 2005 by Major-General Zhu Chenghu, dean of the Defence Affairs Institute of China's National Defence University, when he thought he was speaking off the record. Gen. Zhu asserted that China would use nuclear weapons against the United States if war broke out over Taiwan.
Since then, China has reiterated its position that it would never be the first to use nuclear weapons. Gen. Zhu's statements were never explained.
The U.S. nuclear-posture review published last month by the Obama administration asserted that "the lack of transparency surrounding [China's]nuclear programs - their pace and scope, as well as the strategy and doctrine that guides them - raises questions about China's future strategic intentions."
In response, the Chinese government insisted that its nuclear-weapons policy is clear.
In view of these developments, it is not surprising if some countries view with a degree of skepticism statements from Beijing insisting on its "principled positions."
Now that China is openly saying its navy will be operating in regions in which it had not been active before, past assumptions of Chinese policy will no doubt be re-examined.
These include beliefs that China is opposed to military alliances and overseas bases. Having overseas bases - or at least places where vessels can dock to refuel and obtain supplies - is a necessity for most blue-water navies. Now that the Chinese navy is moving from its coastal waters, it is likely that China will need access to such facilities in other countries in the region or even farther afield.
Changing Chinese military capabilities are clearly worrying the country's neighbours. Singaporean leader Lee Kuan Yew noted China's military modernization earlier this year and asked the United States to remain in the region since, he said, Japan and India combined are insufficient to balance China. Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd, a scholar of China, also expressed misgivings, saying in a speech recently that "it remains unclear how a re-emergent China will set its course as a major global power, and how its role will shape the future international order."
Often, China has given the impression that it needs to beef up its military to prevent Taiwan from proclaiming formal independence. Clearly, however, its military objectives go far beyond Taiwan. Beijing should make it clear what the new rules of the game are.