Skip to main content

MEXICO CITY, MEXICO - JULY 01: Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, salutes attendants after his virtual victory in the elections for the Presidency of Mexico in the Media Center at the Hilton Hotel on July 1, 2018 in Mexico City, Mexico.

Manuel Velasquez/Getty Images

Riding a wave of populist anger fuelled by rampant corruption and violence, the leftist Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador was elected president of Mexico on Sunday, in a landslide victory that upended the nation’s political establishment and handed him a sweeping mandate to reshape the country.

Lopez Obrador’s win puts a leftist leader at the helm of Latin America’s second largest economy for the first time in decades, a prospect that has filled millions of Mexicans with hope – and the nation’s elites with trepidation.

The outcome represents a clear rejection of the status quo in the nation, which for the past quarter century has been defined by a centrist vision and an embrace of globalization that many Mexicans feel has not served them.

Story continues below advertisement

The core promises of Lopez Obrador’s campaign – to end corruption, reduce violence and address Mexico’s endemic poverty – were immensely popular with voters, but they come with questions he and his new government may struggle to answer.

Read also: Why Mexican Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador is winning the hearts of voters

Trudeau congratulates Lopez Obrador on winning Mexican presidency

How he will pay for his ambitious slate of social programs without overspending and harming the economy? How will he rid the government of bad actors when some of those same people were a part of his campaign? Can he make a dent in the unyielding violence of the drug war, which left Mexico with more homicides in the past year than any time in the past two decades?

And how will Lopez Obrador, a firebrand with a tendency to dismiss his critics in the media and elsewhere, govern?

In the end, the nation’s desire for change outweighed any of the misgivings the candidate inspired.

“It is time for a change, it’s time to go with Lopez Obrador, and see what happens,” said Juan de Dios Rodriguez, 70, a farmer in the state of Hidalgo, a long-time bastion of the governing Institutional Revolutionary Party, or PRI, which has dominated politics in Mexico for nearly his entire life. “This will be my first time voting for a different party.”

Story continues below advertisement

Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador decisively won Mexico’s presidency, setting the stage for the most left-wing government in decades at a time of tense relations with the Trump administration. Reuters

In his third bid for the presidency, Lopez Obrador, 64, won in what officials called the largest election in Mexican history, with some 3,400 federal, state and local races contested in all.

A global repudiation of the establishment has brought populist leaders to power in the United States and Europe, and conservative ones to several countries in Latin America, including Colombia after an election in June.

“The recent elections in Latin America have exhibited the same demand for change,” said Laura Chinchilla, the former president of Costa Rica. “The results are not endorsements of ideologies, but rather demands for change, a fatigue felt by people waiting for answers that simply have not arrived.”

Lopez Obrador, who vowed to cut his own salary and raise those of the lowest paid government workers, campaigned on a narrative of social change, including increased pensions for the elderly, educational grants for Mexico’s youth and additional support for farmers.

He said he would fund his programs with the money the nation saves by eliminating corruption, a figure he places at tens of billions of dollars a year, a windfall some experts doubt will materialize.

Realistic or not, the allure of his message is steeped in the language of nostalgia for a better time – and in a sense of economic nationalism that some fear could reverse important gains of the past 25 years.

Story continues below advertisement

In this way, and others, the parallels between Lopez Obrador and President Donald Trump are hard to ignore. Both men are tempestuous leaders, who are loath to concede a political fight. Both men lash out at enemies, and view the media with suspicion.

And even as the electoral rage propelling Lopez Obrador’s rise is largely the result of domestic issues, there will be pressure for the new president to take a less conciliatory line with his U.S. counterpart. Mexico’s current government, led by president Enrique Peña Nieto, has suffered a string of humiliations at the hands of Trump with relative silence.

But Lopez Obrador is not the typical Latin American populist, nor does his branding as a leftist convey the complexity of his ethos.

In building his third candidacy for the presidency, he cobbled together an odd group of allies, some with contradictory visions. There are leftists, unions, far-right conservatives and endorsements from religious groups. How he will manage these competing interests remains to be seen.

Lopez Obrador will inherit an economy that has seen only modest growth over the past few decades, and one of his biggest challenges will be to convince foreign investors that Mexico will remain open for business.

If he fails to convince the markets that he is committed to continuity, or makes abrupt changes to the current economic policy, the country could find itself struggling to achieve even the modest growth of prior administrations.

Story continues below advertisement

There is some evidence that Lopez Obrador knows what is at stake. Though political rivals have painted him as a radical on par with Hugo Chávez, the former socialist leader in Venezuela, Mexico’s president-elect has vowed not to raise the national debt and to maintain close relations with the United States.

Lopez Obrador, who is commonly referred to by his initials, AMLO, has a history of working with the private sector, and has appointed a respected representative to handle negotiations for the North American Free Trade Agreement.

“Today AMLO is a much more moderate, centrist politician who will govern the business community with the right hand, and the social sectors and programs with the left,” said Antonio Sola, who created the effective fear campaign that branded Lopez Obrador as a danger to Mexico in the 2006 election he lost.

“The great difference between then and now is that the dominant emotion among voters is fury,” Sola said. “And anger is much stronger than fear.”

On the issue of violence, Lopez Obrador has largely failed to articulate a policy that goes much beyond platitudes. At one point, he said that amnesty for low-level offenders could be an option, as a way to end the cycle of incarceration.

When the suggestion summoned widespread criticism, he claimed the idea was merely an effort to think outside of the box. But analysts say there is little that distinguishes his platform from those of other candidates, or even his predecessor, Peña Nieto.

More likely, he will find himself in the unenviable position of managing the crisis, as opposed to ending it.

The hot favourite to win Mexico’s presidency, Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador vowed to root out corruption and pacify the gang-ravaged country with a sweeping anti-establishment speech to a stadium full of supporters at his campaign finale. Reuters
Report an error
Comments

Welcome to The Globe and Mail’s comment community. This is a space where subscribers can engage with each other and Globe staff. Non-subscribers can read and sort comments but will not be able to engage with them in any way. Click here to subscribe.

If you would like to write a letter to the editor, please forward it to letters@globeandmail.com. Readers can also interact with The Globe on Facebook and Twitter .

Welcome to The Globe and Mail’s comment community. This is a space where subscribers can engage with each other and Globe staff. Non-subscribers can read and sort comments but will not be able to engage with them in any way. Click here to subscribe.

If you would like to write a letter to the editor, please forward it to letters@globeandmail.com. Readers can also interact with The Globe on Facebook and Twitter .

Welcome to The Globe and Mail’s comment community. This is a space where subscribers can engage with each other and Globe staff.

We aim to create a safe and valuable space for discussion and debate. That means:

  • All comments will be reviewed by one or more moderators before being posted to the site. This should only take a few moments.
  • Treat others as you wish to be treated
  • Criticize ideas, not people
  • Stay on topic
  • Avoid the use of toxic and offensive language
  • Flag bad behaviour

Comments that violate our community guidelines will be removed. Commenters who repeatedly violate community guidelines may be suspended, causing them to temporarily lose their ability to engage with comments.

Read our community guidelines here

Discussion loading ...

Due to technical reasons, we have temporarily removed commenting from our articles. We hope to have this fixed soon. Thank you for your patience. If you are looking to give feedback on our new site, please send it along to feedback@globeandmail.com. If you want to write a letter to the editor, please forward to letters@globeandmail.com.
Cannabis pro newsletter