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Mahmoud Jibril is leader of the National Forces Alliance, a broad coalition of over 60 parties in Libya.ZOHRA BENSEMRA/Reuters

The dark-suited technocrat who became Libya's wartime interim prime minister, helping co-ordinate the uprising against dictator Moammar Gadhafi last year and selling the cause of rebels in western capitals, is poised to play the role of kingmaker in his country's fledgling democracy.

Mahmoud Jibril, leader of the National Forces Alliance, a broad coalition of over 60 parties, is once again at the centre of Libyan politics. Initial results from landmark national assembly elections last Saturday indicate that voters have rallied around the Alliance, which edged out Islamist parties in a reversal of post-Arab Spring Islamist electoral victories in the region.

Libya's political transition is still in flux. The allegiances of non-party candidates, who will hold 120 of 200 seats, remain unclear and these independents could still influence who wields the greatest power in the new assembly.

But as Libya prepares for the next stage of its democratic evolution and developing a thriving political system – suppressed for more than four decades by Mr. Gadhafi – the role of Mr. Jibril, who himself served in the Gadhafi regime, will be key.

Mr. Jibril, a U.S.-educated political scientist, was the ambassador of the Libyan revolution to the outside world, travelling relentlessly. His long absences during the uprising caused resentment that still lingers among some critics. But his professorial demeanour, low-key style and moderation now are seen as reassuring in a country where political life was suppressed for more than four decades.

"He brings in a knowledge and steady hand," said Ali Tarhouni, a Libyan-American economist and former University of Washington lecturer, speaking over the phone from Libya. He started his own political party after serving alongside Mr. Jibril in the National Transitional Council during the uprising.

"I'm hoping that he will be the new president of Libya – if we have a presidential system," added Mr. Tarhouni, who served as the interim government's minister of oil and finance.

That steadiness and commitment to a post-Gadhafi democratic transition won the trust of Western leaders as Mr. Jibril travelled to Western capitals to build support for the rebel council and to access billions of dollars in frozen Libyan assets.

But Mr. Jibril's frequent globetrotting and closeness to Western officials – who sought reassurances about the motives of the rebels and how the National Transitional Council would steer a post-Gadhafi Libya while securing Western oil investments – became a sore point among some Libyans.

The tumultuous seven-month period in which Mr. Jibril served as interim prime minister, before stepping down last October, is seen by some former colleagues as being riddled with missteps as the Benghazi-based rebel council tried to co-ordinate fighters while delivering aid and services to liberated Libyan towns and cities.

"As prime minister he was supposed to stay in Libya during this period. Yes, we needed international support, but he should have stayed in the country and improved the situation," said Abdel Hafiz Ghoga, who served with Mr. Jibril as vice-chairman of the NTC.

Blake Hounshell, managing editor of Foreign Policy magazine, met the interim prime minister in Doha, Qatar, in March 2011, and said such criticism of Mr. Jibril is misplaced.

"He suffered unfairly in public opinion for always being outside of Libya. That war would not have happened without Mahmoud Jibril being able to look Hillary Clinton in the eye and saying, 'We are serious people, we are not a bunch of wild-eyed radicals,'" said Mr. Hounshell.

He recalled that Mr. Jibril came across more as a "tough professor" than a savvy politician: "If he was a professor he'd be the kind who would intimidate you as a student."

Along with the very serious front was a polished advocate of Libya. "He had a very sophisticated take on the Libya's problems," said Mr. Hounshell, "and he didn't sugarcoat them at all."

For decades, "Brother Leader," as Col. Gadhafi insisted he be called, ruled Libya with his trademark bombast and brutality. In post-Gadhafi politics, Mr. Jibril is Libya's Mr. Normal.

He arrived at the University of Pittsburgh in 1978 for post-graduate studies – his 1985 doctorate thesis titled "Imagery and Ideology in U.S. Policy Toward Libya, 1969-1982" focused on White House administrations and foreign policy from Nixon to Reagan. Later, he worked as a consultant to Arab governments.

"He's a very bright guy," said University of Pittsburgh political science professor Alberta Sbragia in an interview with the Pittsburgh Tribune-Review last year, recalling the time Mr. Jibril was a student in the department. "If he's the kind of person who's going to stay in power, it could be a very good thing."

Beginning in 2007, Mr. Jibril was back in Libya and working closely with Saif al-Islam Gadhafi, the dictator's influential and powerful son who claimed to be trying to advance a reform agenda. Mr. Jibril ended the relationship just before the revolution, explaining later that he came to realize real change was not possible within the Gadhafi regime.

Because of his role in the interim government, Mr. Jibril, 60, was barred from running as a candidate in last week's election. But his name and face was on his party's fliers – the coalition's bet that Libyans would go with name recognition and the coalition's moderate non-ideological vision. And he used numerous TV interviews to connect with voters – sometimes interrupting his fluent classical Arabic with cultural references using the local dialect.

Another factor that helped is that he belongs to the Warfalla, the largest tribe in Libya. But he also filled a void, say some observers.

"Overall, his party was the only party in the election that showed us a manifesto, a proper plan for the future of the country," said Libyan-Canadian human rights lawyer Salah Marghani. He said he did not support either the Jibril coalition or the Islamist parties.

"I think he has the charisma and leadership qualities [to make a strong leader]," he added.

"I'm concerned about the inability of a civilian government to control widespread weapons and some militias seem to be operating outside the law. That's what worries me. If those [militias] became too powerful, the country may be fractured. So there is this danger," said Mr. Marghani.

"So far it looks good. But for how long? I don't know," he added, speaking of Libya's transition. "This country is new to politics and very new to democracy."

Aware of the Islamist tide in neighbouring Tunisia and Egypt, many Libyans apparently calculated that now was not the time to overwhelmingly empower the Islamist parties. The lukewarm response to Islamists certainly helped Mr. Jibril's coalition.

"He's won this election because there are no political characters like Mahmoud Jibril – that is why [Libyans] chose the coalition," said Mr. Ghoga, adding that in a year's time, with fresh parliamentary elections scheduled for 2013, other figures are likely to emerge.

Mr. Jibril did tangle with Islamists during the campaign over their vision for Libya. At the same time, he tried to distance himself from the "liberal" label his opponents placed on him.

"Some media channels started referring to the National Forces Alliance as liberals – that's not true. It is composed of different political formations," Mr. Jibril told a news conference on Sunday night. Following his coalition's strong showing in early national assembly results, Mr. Jibril invited all parties – including Islamists – to take part in a grand coalition government.

The challenges facing such a government – whether it is headed by Mr. Jibril or a coalition ally – loom large.

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