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South African civil servants press against the police barrier at a protest march to the Union Building in Pretoria on Aug. 10.

Barely five weeks after the climax of its much-praised World Cup extravaganza, South Africa's triumphant glow is fading fast.

The country is tumbling back to reality, plagued again by its traditional demons: labour strife, violent protests, corruption scandals, and threats of a state monopoly on power. The government of President Jacob Zuma is being accused of harassing the media, failing to improve the lives of the poor, and favouring its own cronies in dubious business deals.

In the latest crisis, schools across South Africa were shut down by striking teachers on Wednesday. Hospitals and government offices were also affected by the strike, which could involve up to 1.3 million public-sector workers as it escalates.

Police, doctors, nurses, court workers and customs officials are among those on strike. Patients were turned away at some hospitals, and army medics might have to be called in as emergency replacements for the hospital workers.

The government has offered a 7 per cent wage increase to the public-sector employees, but the workers are demanding an 8.6 per cent rise, plus an improved housing subsidy. The strike could inflict damage on the national economy if it drags on. "Our capacity to afford is actually exhausted," said the public services minister, Richard Baloyi, at a news conference.

In another labour dispute, a strike by auto workers entered its sixth day on Wednesday, with thousands of workers marching to the offices of an auto manufacturers association to reinforce their demands for a 15 per cent wage increase.

In the dirt-poor townships where millions of blacks still live, violent protests have been erupting again this month. Thousands of shack-dwelling residents are demanding better housing, running water and electricity. Some of the demonstrations have escalated into pitched battles, with protesters burning tires and hurling bricks as they clash with police firing rubber bullets, stun grenades and tear gas.

Mr. Zuma, meanwhile, has been trying to capitalize on the pride and patriotic fervour generated by the World Cup. In a speech to parliament on Wednesday, he said the World Cup was a "powerful marketing opportunity" for the country. "We have earned the reputation of a country that can deliver on its undertakings," he said. "The impact on the country's tourism sector cannot be over-estimated. … It certainly gave us hope for the future."

But the national strikes are jeopardizing South Africa's reputation and damaging the gains that it made during the World Cup, according to a report in Business Day, the country's leading business daily. It predicted that foreign investors will be deterred from doing business in South Africa.

Mr. Zuma himself is fuelling more controversy by pushing for a special tribunal to regulate the South African media. The tribunal would be controlled by Parliament, where the ruling party holds nearly two-thirds of the seats. The plan has sparked fears that the Zuma government will try to muzzle the media, eliminating one of the few remaining checks on its vast power.

The government has also introduced a "Protection of Information" bill, allowing the jailing of journalists who violate the vaguely defined "national interest" by reporting confidential information. In another worrisome development, an investigative journalist from a top South African newspaper was arrested for allegedly possessing a forged document in his research for an unpublished article on police wrongdoing. And private investors with close links to the government have announced plans to create a pro-government newspaper to publicize good news and promote the state's agenda.

In an angry defence of the planned media tribunal, Mr. Zuma quoted approvingly from state television in Russia, where the media are tightly muzzled. He said his government has "a responsibility to democratize every aspect of South African society, including the media." He also asked whether the media is on "the same wavelength" as the government, and whether the media can "accurately judge government action and performance." The implication was that the tribunal would force the media to share the same "wavelength" as the government.

By coincidence, the South African media this month revealed how Mr. Zuma's family and friends are benefiting financially from their proximity to the President. A company led by the President's 28-year-old son, Duduzane Zuma, will reportedly receive $130-million worth of shares in the South African subsidiary of ArcelorMittal, the huge multinational steel company, in a deal to comply with South Africa's policy of "black economic empowerment." Other friends of Mr. Zuma are receiving large stakes in the company as well, reportedly for "facilitating" the deal.

Other members of the Zuma family - including one of his daughters and one of his nephews - are also profiting from a host of business deals. These family members "have now suddenly become sought-after businessmen and businesswomen," South African columnist Justice Malala commented this month.

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