Ken Coates is a distinguished fellow and director of Indigenous affairs at the Macdonald-Laurier Institute, and a professor of Indigenous governance at Yukon University.
Last October, hundreds of protesters gathered in front of the Saskatchewan legislature, reacting to the provincial government’s controversial move to require parental approval if a student under 16 wants to change the pronouns they use at school. But like an increasing number of protests in Canada today, all the people who gathered to exercise their freedom of speech that day were not on the same side. There was a large and boisterous group of opponents of the Moe government’s plan, co-ordinated by the Saskatchewan Federation of Labour and the Canadian Civil Liberties Association, who demanded the government retract the legislation and protect the autonomy and rights of children. Meanwhile, a smaller number of parents’ rights advocates who supported the government’s actions were trying to shout down their opponents at the noisy gathering.
Duelling protests have become the norm in Canada. Almost any significant rally is met with strong opposition, maybe smaller in number but equally determined to get their message out. Several of these standoffs in the United States have ended in violent clashes, including one that resulted in the death of a Jewish man who was at duelling pro-Israeli/pro-Palestinian protests in California. Police increasingly find themselves trapped between the protest lines, an uncomfortable situation, to be sure.
At first glance, the development of counterprotests is puzzling. Previous logic suggested that a group wishing to gain public attention would hold its own event, not share space with another, particularly a larger group. Increasingly, however, organizations are not prepared to surrender the news cycle to the “other” side and are determined to get their message out to the public any way possible.
These are provocative and contentious times. Advocacy groups and organizations are springing up across the country and are increasingly well placed to respond loudly to government actions, international provocations and unique local circumstances. Many of the rallies are small and peaceful and disperse quickly; a few become raucous and chaotic, taking over the streets, occupying large urban districts and attracting police intervention.
Heightened sentiments after the Oct. 7 Hamas attack on Israel, and the subsequent Israeli military response in Gaza, have resulted in many loud and provocative protests, mostly from pro-Palestinian groups. While many protesters are motivated by humanitarian concerns, the rhetoric at times has been overtly pro-Hamas, which is disturbing to some Canadians. On more than a few occasions, pro-Palestinian rallies have attracted counterprotests led by citizens who are upset with the tone and anger of the rallies and who want the country to know that many support Israel.
The protests and counterprotests are an assertive form of street theatre. The rallies are designed to feed a much larger media initiative, powered by social media and shared internationally within seconds. Canadian protests, like those in other countries, play out in real time, with loud and angry speakers showing up on news programs, TikTok videos and Facebook posts. It is here, in the battle for eyeballs, clicks, likes and forwards, that the real power of street protests is to be found – more important even than a 30-second spot on the regional or national news.
Protesters have long understood the importance of dominating the news cycle. Protests are organized around the careful cultivation of the media, the provision of sound bites and great video, and angry and provocative speeches. Some are extremely well orchestrated, with willing protesters serving as a boisterous backdrop for an often-simple message. Opponents increasingly understand that surrendering the platform to an advocacy group undermines their cause and creates free space for those organizing the protest.
While counterprotests aren’t a new phenomenon, they have emerged as an increasingly common element in Canada’s protest world. By organizing a parallel event and screaming across street barriers, counterprotesters grab some of the media attention, ensure their side of the story is shared publicly, and try to balance the debate. What previously may have been a one-sided media event, devoted to a single side of an issue, is now noisier, sometimes confrontational and even more newsworthy. For the counterprotesters, what would have been an upsetting and provocative day instead provides a forum for getting their message out to large audiences.
The 2022 protest in Ottawa by the trucker convoy is an interesting case in point. The protest organizers dominated news and public affairs for weeks. But there was no one group or organization that stood in opposition, for the convoy focused its critique on the federal government, which avoided direct contact with the convoy. Small numbers of Ottawa residents did stand up publicly against the takeover of their city. But by then the trucker convoy had dominated the national news for weeks on end and the contrary position generally lacked a face or a persona.
The pattern of protests and counterprotests is part of a broader fragmentation of Canadian politics and the injection of distrust and outright bitterness into Canadian public affairs. For decades, Canada had a strong political consensus with few serious cracks in the national tapestry beyond the English-French divide. Our national parties brokered diverse political positions through carefully crafted compromise. With the parties now moving to hardened and more provocative positions, space has opened for more activist, aggressive and opinionated groups that increasingly find their voice through public protest rather than inside the political parties.
Canada is gaining experience with public protests, much to the dismay of the generally placid Canadian public. These include prolonged blockades, such as the standoff in Caledonia, Ont., and the trucker convoy in downtown Ottawa. Indigenous activists and their supporters launched literally hundreds of community-level rallies during the Idle No More movement in 2012-13. Most uncomfortably, the country now finds itself amid hundreds of street protests related to the Israel-Hamas conflict. But the list of street uprisings does not stop there. The pronoun and gender-identity debates around schooling and parental rights have, in the past few months, joined protests over pipeline plans, Métis rights and many other issues.
Clogging the news cycle and producing social-media fodder provides ammunition for special-interest groups large and small. Even a small counterprotest can gain a mention on the nightly news, dampening the authority and upending any triumphalism on the part of the original rally’s organizers. Furthermore, videos, photos and sound bites show up quickly on TikTok, Instagram, Snapchat and dozens of other social-media platforms. Both sides get their messages out, using these super cheap, fast and effective channels to reach thousands of people.
Protests and counterprotests are still public performance pieces, as they have always been, but organized counterprotests and social-media follow-ups have transformed these rallies into political brain candy to be used, distorted and exploited by special interests and their opponents. Many Canadians watch these protests with dismay, contempt or disdain, but a growing number are drawn to the fray, as participants, observers or as citizens inconvenienced by street events. Protesters have learned how to capitalize on these activities. Counterprotesters, it appears, are coming to appreciate the power of street mobilization and are eager to engage more aggressively.
Sixty years ago, Marshall McLuhan published his provocative book Understanding Media, which promoted the notion that “the medium is the message.” In the chaotic world of 21st-century multimedia and duelling rallies, there are multiple mediums, numerous messages and, as a result, mass confusion in public affairs. The rising number of counterprotests increases the likelihood of violence and puts police forces into increasingly tense situations. Anyone looking to Canadian street protests for clarity, understanding and constructive public conversation will be sadly disappointed. But they will, increasingly, at least hear both sides of the debates.