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A Belgian Air Force Airbus A400M Atlas, carrying humanitarian aid that is destined for an airdrop over Gaza, departs from a military airport in Melsbroek, Belgium on March 4.Yves Herman/Reuters

Lloyd Axworthy is chair of the World Refugee and Migration Council and a former Canadian foreign minister. Allan Rock is a member of the World Refugee and Migration Council and a former Canadian ambassador to the United Nations.

The United States is now airdropping aid into the Gaza Strip. Its parachutes, like those of the other participating countries, will bring only a tiny fraction of the aid needed for the 2.2 million Palestinians trapped without food, water or medical supplies. Canada is also working on its own plans to airdrop aid into the territory. Like a placebo, this tactic might make us temporarily feel better. But the showy exercise is pathetically inadequate: in its cynicism and uselessness, it becomes a metaphor, signalling the abject failure of the international community to muster a meaningful response to an immense humanitarian tragedy.

What is urgently needed, of course, is a ceasefire, coupled with the return of the Israeli hostages held by Hamas since its horrendous attacks in southern Israel on Oct. 7, together with unimpeded access for the hundreds of truckloads of essential supplies required in Gaza daily. Negotiations aimed at producing those results continue. But in the meantime, Canada and other countries cannot simply stand idly by. Our government can put Canadian diplomatic skills to use by adopting three urgent measures and persuading like-minded governments to do the same.

First, funding for the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) must be restored. Decisions by Canada and at least 16 other countries to withhold funding from UNRWA followed serious allegations made by the Israeli government against 12 of the agency’s 13,000-plus employees in Gaza. UNRWA acted swiftly to terminate the employment of nine of the accused staff members (of the other three, two are dead, and one is missing). Israel has declined, despite repeated requests, to produce evidence to substantiate the allegations to UN investigators. While the allegations are deeply troubling, the withdrawal of funding from UNRWA, with its catastrophic consequences on the humanitarian situation across the region, is neither a proportionate nor an effective response.

UNRWA’s role in Gaza must be understood. The overwhelming majority of civilians in Gaza are dependent on direct assistance from the agency, which is also a critical lifeline for other aid organizations working in Gaza that rely on its aid infrastructure to distribute support. As a group of established aid organizations – including Oxfam, the Norwegian Refugee Council, and Save the Children – noted in a public letter: “If the funding suspensions are not reversed, we may see a complete collapse of the already restricted humanitarian response in Gaza.”

The defunding of UNRWA comes as Gaza faces a humanitarian crisis of unprecedented proportions. Over two million people have been displaced, many of them more than once. Most of the population is sheltering either in or near UNRWA facilities. They are on the brink of starvation. The UN Special Rapporteur on the right to food, Michael Fakhri, has stated that defunding UNRWA makes famine “inevitable.” The World Health Organization has warned that the risk of children dying of malnutrition, lack of clean water, and deadly disease is extraordinarily high. UNRWA’s logistical capabilities are indispensable in dealing with famine and the health care crisis.

The European Commission has announced its intention to restore funding for UNRWA. Canada and the others that suspended their support must do the same immediately.

Our second proposal is that Canada and other middle powers engage more actively and constructively in the region. We propose, for example, the creation of a small protective mission to oversee access to aid and its distribution and to offer protection to aid workers. Months of continuous bombardment and repeated displacement have undermined the social order in Gaza. At the same time, Gaza’s police forces, which are overseen by Hamas, have been targeted by Israel and are no longer available to maintain order. This has contributed to chaos, a factor in incidents such as the one last week when Israeli forces opened fire on people surrounding aid trucks. We suggest a protective mission composed of highly trained police officers furnished by states acceptable to all parties to safely transport and distribute aid.

Thirdly, we propose the creation of a Humanitarian and Reconstruction Contact Group for Gaza, composed of several countries including Jordan, which plays a critical role in the region. Canada could convene the Contact Group, which would take the lead in ensuring continuous access to humanitarian assistance for Gaza. The Contact Group can also set in place financial and logistical commitments for Gaza’s reconstruction, given the enormity of the destruction that has taken place.

Airdrops, like a placebo, have little effect. But by taking the three practical and concrete steps we advocate, Canada and our like-minded allies can meaningfully respond to a humanitarian crisis that has a claim upon the conscience of us all.

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